Israel and the West should embrace Palestine’s independence
Palestine is set to seek formal recognition of its independence at the UN this month. A just and lasting end to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict must involve full sovereignty, independence and security for both nation-states, Israel and Palestine. Both the Israeli and the Palestinian nations have the right to self-determination and national existence within fair borders, which means an Israel within its recognised, pre-1967 borders and a Palestine comprising the West Bank, Gaza and East Jerusalem – any departure from this should only be on the basis of wholly equitable land swaps. After Israeli independence, Palestinian independence will comprise the second pillar of the future settlement. That is why all of us who support a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict should support Palestine’s bid for independence. It would strike a blow against the rejectionists on both sides: the Palestinian extremists who still dream of wiping Israel off the map and driving the Jews into the sea, and the Israeli extremists who seek a Greater Israel through the racist, colonialist settlement-building programme in the West Bank.
Some argue that Palestine’s independence should only come with a final, negotiated settlement, and that trying to establish it now would constitute a unilateral move. Yet Israel’s independence has, quite rightly, been established and internationally recognised ‘unilaterally’, in the absence of a comprehensive peace settlement, and there is no reason why Palestine should be treated differently. Borders and the status of refugees can be the subject of negotiations, but a nation’s right to sovereignty and independence is an absolute and cannot be. Others argue that a unilateral Palestinian bid for independence would mark a blow against the negotiated peace process. On the contrary, as things stand, the interminable, moribund peace process is going nowhere, and could only benefit from the establishment of a proper Palestinian partner. For you can channel Palestinian activity and aspirations through the medium of legitimate national statehood, or push them into the arms of Hamas and other extremists; that is the choice faced by the international community. Middle Eastern peace has, in fact, benefited from past ‘unilateral’ steps, such as the 1978 Camp David Accords and the 1994 Israel-Jordan peace treaty, both of which were taken in the absence of a general settlement. Every time any country ‘unilaterally’ recognises either Israel or Palestine, we are a step closer to normalisation.
The notion that we in the West should oppose Palestinian independence out of solidarity with Israel should also be rejected. Our friendship and solidarity should rightfully go to the state and people of Israel, not to the current Israeli government, whose continued settlement-building activity reveals it to be an obstacle to peace unworthy of any solidarity, and which has further disgraced itself by its support for the Mubarak dictatorship earlier this year. In fact, recognition of Palestinian independence is in the national interest of Israel, since Israel can have no ultimate peace and security without freedom and justice for the Palestinians. Israeli and Palestinian national interests are complementary, not contradictory.
Readers are urged to sign the international petition in favour of Palestinian independence.
-
Archives
- May 2013 (2)
- April 2013 (2)
- March 2013 (2)
- January 2013 (1)
- December 2012 (4)
- November 2012 (2)
- October 2012 (1)
- September 2012 (1)
- August 2012 (2)
- July 2012 (1)
- June 2012 (2)
- May 2012 (1)
-
Categories
- Abkhazia
- Abortion
- Afghanistan
- Albania
- Anti-Semitism
- Arabs
- Armenians
- Australia
- Balkans
- Basque Country
- BNP
- Bosnia
- Britain
- Bulgaria
- Catalonia
- Caucasus
- Central Europe
- Chechnya
- Conservatism
- Croatia
- Cyprus
- Darfur
- Denmark
- East Timor
- Education
- Egypt
- Environment
- European Union
- Falklands
- Faroe Islands
- Fascism
- Finland
- Former Soviet Union
- Former Yugoslavia
- France
- Genocide
- Georgia
- Germany
- Greece
- Greenland
- Heathrow
- Iceland
- Immigration
- India
- Indonesia
- Iran
- Iraq
- Islam
- Israel
- Italy
- Jews
- Kosovo
- Kurds
- Liberalism
- Libertarianism
- Libya
- London
- Macedonia
- Marko Attila Hoare
- Middle East
- Misogyny
- Moldova
- Montenegro
- NATO
- Neoconservatism
- Netherlands
- Norway
- Pakistan
- Palestine
- Political correctness
- Portugal
- Racism
- Red-Brown Alliance
- Russia
- Rwanda
- Sami
- Scandinavia
- Scotland
- Serbia
- Slovakia
- Slovenia
- South Ossetia
- Spain
- Sudan
- Svalbard
- Sweden
- SWP
- Syria
- The Left
- Transnistria
- Transphobia
- Transport
- Turkey
- Uncategorized
- Zimbabwe
-
RSS
Entries RSS
Comments RSS

A blog devoted to political commentary and analysis, with a particular focus on South East Europe. Born in 1972, I have been studying the history of the former Yugoslavia since 1993, and am intimately acquainted with, and emotionally attached to, the lands and peoples of Croatia, Bosnia-Hercegovina and Serbia. In the summer of 1995, I acted as translator for the aid convoy to the Bosnian town of Tuzla, organised by Workers Aid, a movement of solidarity in support of the Bosnian people. In 1997-1998 I lived and worked in Sarajevo, Bosnia-Hercegovina. In 1998-2001 I lived and worked in Belgrade, Serbia, and was resident there during the Kosovo War of 1999. As a journalist, I covered the fall of Milosevic in 2000. I worked as a Research Officer for the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia in 2001, and participated in the drafting of the indictment of Slobodan Milosevic.